ISLAMABAD: The Parliament got adjourned emanating painfully confusing signals whether the country was celebrating or mourning its freedom after 67 years.

 

All that brouhaha about derailing of the system, lack of trust in the state institutions and fears of large-scale violence manifested anything but celebration. Mahmood Khan Achakzai minced no words in spelling out fears about existential threats to the country: “let me warn that if the Constitution is violated this time we may not remain as one country.” Ominous way to mark the country’s freedom! And all that the National Assembly could come out with to protect against these real and imagined dangers was a resolution. In fact, the resolution to uphold the Constitution and the supremacy of the Parliament exposed the feeling of insecurity about the powerlessness of the August institution. As if such resolutions have stopped the derailment of the democratic process in the past.

 

The very attitude of the government showed how much it cared for the institution that it espoused to defend. We all expected the PML-N government to trench itself in the Parliament in the ongoing crisis. But this was hardly the case. The Senate opposition had to boycott proceedings, as there was hardly any treasury member present, let alone the cabinet. We could understand that a few key ministers were stationed in Lahore for what Senator Afrasiab described as the “kabaddi match of Takht Lahore.” What about the rest of the PML-N lot? Why couldn’t they be at the Parliament to calm the public nerves and to explain its position on the political agitation?

 

The situation was not different in the National Assembly where most of the cabinet was missing. The government and the opposition (minus the PTI) was locked in the argument whether to allow the PTI/PAT workers in the Parliament or not. Rehman Malik sought credit for his handling of the judiciary movement and Tahirul Qadri’s long march. The biggest challenge, he said, was to avoid confrontation. Times may have changed as there is a camera over every brick. The PTI would be discredited if its workers resorted to violence. Chaudhry Nisar takes the credit for making Rehman Malik seem as a much efficient counterpart. Malik had a point when he said that the PPP sacrificed its prime minister and yet did not rebel against the institutions. But there were no PTI takers for his suggestion.

 

The writing on the PTI wall was: It’s either Imran Khan’s way or the highway. And the PTI had already embarked on the highway without knowing where it was headed. The only way that he could be appeased was if he was anointed the king-no questions asked. Otherwise, he was out demonizing every institution from the Supreme Court to the Election Commission. He would not attend the Parliament because he believed it was powerless as long as he was not in majority. He has problems with half of the media where he is friend with most dubious names in our community while filing libel suits against the most revered organization. He is yet to lend a hearty support to the Army Operation in Waziristan, which has definitely brought the Taliban violence in control. So far, that is.

 

It was interesting to listen to Imran talking about flaws in our justice and administrative system. Obviously, this was perhaps the first time he got exposed to what the hapless masses suffer daily. But instead of working to reform them he would rather have the existing institutions packed off. What did Imran or his party does to bring about judicial and administrative reforms? For all we know we did not see the PTI proposing any legislation. He should know that he did not have to be in the government to introduce reforms. In fact, you have better chance to champion radical reforms when you are in the opposition-as governments like to maintain status quo.

 

Obviously, Imran stands isolated. He is surrounded by people who have no interest in perpetuation of the democratic system. The Gujrat Chaudhry hardly represent the public with their two members in the National Assembly. Come March, the Tonga Party of PML-Q will be wiped out from the Senate as well. Sheikh Rashid can’t win his own seat without the help of Imran Khan. He may have crossed a certain line by remarking about General Raheel Sharif’s frowning face. PML-N’s Abdul Qadir Baloch was quick to point out holes in the insinuation. He believed that it was cheap shot by Sheikh Rashid to implicate the Army Chief by giving the impression that the military was behind Imran Khan’s long march. “Let me say that the army has nothing to do with political agitation and would like to concentrate on the Fata operation,” he roared in the Assembly. “Please keep it out of your political mess.” Coming from Raheel’s former instructor, the remarks must have touched a few raw nerves in Rawalpindi.

 

However, many believed that the biggest liability of Imran Khan was Tahirul Qadri. Now that Imran has virtually owned him he might have to bear the brunt of any shenanigans the Maulana might have up its sleeve. And here in lies the Achilles heel of Imran Khan.

 

There is a fair chance that Imran Khan—after Nawaz Sharif’s offer of a judicial commission to investigate into the rigging charges— might just wrap up his agitation at the conclusion of his rally on August 14.

 

He better do that considering his credentials about rigging charges in the past. Come on, Khan Sahab you endorsed Musharraf’s referendum and were part of the 2002 Assembly which was the result of one of the most rigged elections. Why didn’t Imran have a problem with the 2002 rigging? He developed a problem with Musharraf only when that latter refused to anoint him as the Prime Minister. So if it’s all about power then Lage Raho Khan Sahb. Let’s hope things do not go haywire on August 14.

Published on: thespokesman.pk

Date:Tuesday, 12 August 2014