By Amir Mateen

Islamabad: Imran Khan can take the credit that his proposed circus on August 14 – whatever its results – has introduced some humility to the PML(N) leadership.

The generally arrogant and elusive PML-wallahs seemed to have climbed down a few steps from their ivory tower of invincibility. Suddenly Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif has become more accessible to party heads. The likes of Abid Lion Ali seem to have been curtailed. Even the two Khawajas known for their loud mouths give reformed looks. Saad Rafique was at his modesty best while requesting Imran Khan to give up his long march the other day. Jaws dropped in disbelief when Khawaja Asif too replicated him by showing a rare shade of humbleness on Wednesday. The Sialkoti Khawaja was extra courteous in pacifying Javed Hashmi who was fuming because he was not allowed to land in a private plane in Sialkot. It was difficult to digest that his ‘poor’ party workers had paid for Hashmi’s chartered plane but Asif let it go by referring the matter to an inquiry committee (what is this PTI fetish about chartered planes any way).

Somehow Hashmi got overly emotional about it and, in the process, gave a long sermon on democracy, political propriety and what not. However, the thrust of his argument was that the Constitution was the most sacrosanct document for which he could give his life. He went on to declare he would not let anybody “derail the system.”

‘Derailing’ has become a PTI catchword these days. Well, even if we forget how Hashmi started his political career under the wings of dictator Ziaul Haq, the sermon did not fit into what the PTI is aspiring for. What provision of the Constitution supports the PTI demand of mid-term elections if the Prime Minister refuses to dissolve the National Assembly, one may ask? How can a fringe opposition party (PTI has only 36 seats in a House of 343) dictate the majority to give up its government on gunpoint?

PTI members come out with funny arguments if you ask them how their rally will force an unwilling Nawaz Sharif to dissolve the Assembly. The arguments get funnier when you ask them how could they talk about the Constitution and the change of government through mobocracy at the same time.

While the Assembly continued with its boring agenda most members seemed disturbed about the outcome of the PTI rally. Here goes the argument: chances are that Imran Khan will be able to pull together a big crowd. Independence Day rallies have become a part of our culture and people are generally on the streets any way. But then what? How will this translate into power even if Imran Khan is allowed to stage a sit-in for days?

The only plausible possibility is if the crowd gets violent. It can happen by design, conspiracy, terrorism or by simple mishandling of events. But chances are that if things turn messy the beneficiary is not likely to be Imran Khan. In fact, he is more likely to be held responsible for any, God forbid, mayhem.

A PTI firebrand actually hoped in private that some genie might pop out of this deadly cocktail that Imran Khan is brewing. The PTI-wallahs nurture the images of Tahrir Square in their minds. Well, D-Chowk is not Tehrir Square (especially after PML(N) digging for Metro bus), Pakistan is not Egypt. Most important, we all know what came out of Tehrir Square – a military junta, which, by the way, stands on the crutches provided by the very country that Imran Khan hates most.

While Imran Khan played cricket he missed the most important lesson of Pakistan’s political history. All movements that resulted in the change of power had one thing in common: they were backed by the military – overtly or covertly. Why should the military support the person who is known to be a bigger maverick than Nawaz Sharif. The khakis might just be sulking that the PTI is diverting focus from the war that continues to take its toll in the shape of body bags (we are told that the PMA had to pass out two badges together because of the high casualty rate of young officers).

Another lesson is that the generals like to enjoy their three-year tenure and are generally tempted towards illegitimate power towards the end of their tenure, not in the first year.

If Imran Khan aspires to rule Islamabad he should know that in politics, as the cliché goes, you reap what you sow. PML (N) also organised demonstrations against the PPP government over power shortages and the restoration of the Chief Justice. But those were more to un-nerve the federal government and not to dislodge it. The PPP and the PML (N) may have learnt their lessons. And perhaps Imran Khan too needs to do that. He can’t afford to have fight with every institution – the judiciary, military, the Election Commission and nearly half of the media. All of this may return as ghosts if the Big Khan ever came to power in Islamabad. Such unholy precedents and the reputation of an eccentric may not help his political future. Even his cousin Hafeezullah Niazi, who is also his brother-in-law, has dubbed him as delusional who can’t absorb his defeat.

Moral of the story: either you reform these institutions or learn to live with them. You can’t dictate them through mob rule.

Tailpiece: Will somebody please stop Marvi Memon from sitting on Cabinet seats? The way she relishes it seems so childish. She may think that she has made it to the list of ministerial ‘probables’ but she should wait till the announcement is made. We are told the decision has been delayed slightly and it’s more reshuffle than expansion.

Tailpiece 2: Chaudhary Nisar is not amongst the humility brigade that we mentioned earlier. He refuses to change come what may.

The News

August 7, 2014